Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin
The Sword and the Shield
CHAPTER TWENTY EIGHT
THE PENETRATION AND PERSECUTION OF THE SOVIET CHURCHES
Though paying lip-service to freedom of religion, the Soviet state was the first
to attempt to eradicate the concept of God. Marx had famously denounced religion
as "the opium of the people," but also spoke with some compassion of
its role as "the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless
world." Lenin's denunciation of religion, however, was uncompromisingly venomous:
Every religious idea, every idea of God, every flirting with the idea of God,
is unutterable vileness,. .. vileness of the most dangerous kind, "contagion"
of the most abominable kind. Millions of filthy deeds, acts of violence and physical
contagions are far less dangerous than the subtle, spiritual idea of a God decked
out in the smartest "ideological" costumes.1
During the 1930s most priests were condemned to a gulag from which few returned.
Most churches, with their religious symbols removed or defaced but their onion
domes usually left more or less intact, were turned into barns, cinemas and garages,
or given over to other secular purposes. After two decades of brutal persecution
which had left only a few hundred churches open for worship, the Russian Orthodox
Church was unexpectedly revived as a public institution by Stalin's need for its
support during the Great Patriotic War. In 1943, after a gap of seventeen years,
the Moscow Patriarchate, the Church's administrative center, was formally reestablished.2
During the remainder of the decade, Orthodox Christians reclaimed and lovingly
restored several thousand of their churches.3
The Church, however, paid a heavy price for its restoration. The Council for the
Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church (later the Council for Religious Affairs)
worked in close cooperation with the NKVD and its successors to ensure the subservience
of Church to State.4 Both Patriarch Aleksi I and Metropolitan Nikolai of Krutitsky
and Kolomna, second in the Orthodox hierarchy, joined the World Peace Council,
the Soviet front organization founded in 1949, and were highly valued by the KGB
as agents of influence.5 Aleksi declared in 1955:
The Russian Orthodox Church supports the totally peaceful foreign policy of
our government, not because the Church allegedly lacks freedom, but because [486/7]
Soviet policy is just and corresponds to the Christian ideals which the Church
The Orthodox Church also took a prominent part in the founding of another front
organization, the Christian Peace Conference (CPC), established in 1958 with its
headquarters in Prague, in a further attempt to mobilize worldwide Christian support
for the "peace policies" of the Soviet Union. At the second conference
of the CPC in 1960 delegates from the rest of the world, mostly innocent of its
orchestration by Moscow, outnumbered those from the Soviet Bloc.7
In 1961, with the KGB's blessing, the Orthodox Church joined the World Council
of Churches (WCC). At that very moment Khrushchev was in the midst of a ferocious
anti-religious campaign which closed down many of the reopened churches, monasteries
and seminaries and disbanded half the Orthodox parishes. The KGB was simultaneously
seeking to strengthen its grip on the churches which remained. According to a
secret KGB directive of 1961:
Up to 600 individuals are studying in the two ecclesiastical academies of the
Moscow Patriarchate and the five ecclesiastical seminaries. These must be exploited
in the interests of the KGB. We must infiltrate our people among the students
of these ecclesiastical training establishments so that they will subsequently
influence the state of affairs within the Russian Orthodox Church and exert influence
on the believers.8
The head of the Second Chief Directorate, General Oleg Mikhailovich Gribanov,
reported in 1962 that over the previous two years the KGB had infiltrated "reliable
agents" into the leading positions of the Moscow Patriarchate, the Catholic
dioceses, the Armenian Gregorian Church and other religious groups. These, he
predicted, would make it possible to remove remaining "reactionary Church
and sectarian authorities" from their posts.9
Since the Russian Orthodox delegates to the WCC were carefully selected by the
KGB and the Council for Religious Affairs, it is scarcely surprising that they
denied—often indignantly—all reports of the persecution of their Church by the
Soviet state. According to a KGB report of August 1969:
Agents ALTAR, SVYATOSLAV, ADAMANT, MAGISTER, ROSHCHIN and ZEMNOGORSKY went to
England to take part in the work of the WCC central committee. Agents managed
to avert hostile activities [public criticism of Soviet religious persecution]
. . .10
The most important of the agents at the WCC central committee meeting
in Canterbury was the leader of the Russian Orthodox delegation, Metropolitan
Nikodim (agent ADAMANT),11 whose meteoric rise through the Church hierarchy was
in itself unmistakable evidence of KGB approval. In 1960, at the age of only thirty-one,
Nikodim had become the youngest bishop in Christendom. A year later he was put
in charge of the Moscow Patriarchate's foreign relations department, and in 1964
was appointed Metropolitan of Leningrad. Nikodim took the lead in ensuring that
there was no reference in the WCC central committee's message to member churches
either to the invasion of Czechoslovakia or to religious persecution in the Soviet
Bloc. According to a report in the Church Times:
Agreement on the text of the message was not without drama . . . The main critic
on the Thursday [August 21] when the fifth draft came up for discussion was the
Metropolitan of Leningrad, Archbishop Ni[k]odim.
. . . The Russian leader then dropped a bombshell[:] ". . . If certain amendments
are not taken into account which are essential to us, we shall have to reject
this letter in holy synod and not send it to our Churches. I am sorry to speak
in such sharp terms."
On Friday morning [after redrafting] there was more sweetness and light, and with
the Russian leader obviously mollified, the final draft went through rapidly.
The main initiative agreed by the WCC central committee was a call to member churches
to become "as fully engaged as possible in the struggle to eradicate racism
in whatever form it appears."12 While welcoming the campaign against racism,
the Church Times deplored the failure of the WCC to address "grave breaches
of human rights" or to offer help to the oppressed: "Czechoslovakia
springs to mind as an obvious instance."13
The KGB reported that, at the Canterbury conference, its agents had also succeeded
"in placing agent KUZNETSOV in a high WCC post." Agent KUZNETSOV was
Alexei Sergeyevich Buyevsky, lay secretary of the Moscow Patriarchate's foreign
relations department headed by Nikodim. Since joining the department in 1946,
Buyevsky had accompanied all the major Russian Orthodox delegations abroad and
had met the most important visitors from foreign churches to Moscow. Throughout
the 1970s and 1980s he played an active role in the work of the WCC central committee,
helping to draft policy statements on international affairs.14
In 1973 the Bishop of Bristol told the Church Times that, of the 130 members of
the WCC central committee, 42 percent were Westerners, 28 percent Eastern Orthodox
(mainly Russian), and 30 percent from the Third World (mainly Africa). The Russian
Orthodox and Third World majority saw Westerners "primarily as the representatives
of 'colonialism' with all the emotional overtones which that contains."15
KGB agents on the WCC were remarkably successful in dissuading it from paying
serious attention to religious persecution in the Soviet Bloc and in persuading
it to concentrate instead on the sins of the imperialist West. The Reverend Richard
Holloway of the Scottish Episcopal Church told the Nairobi Assembly of the WCC
I have observed there is an unwritten rule operating that says that the USSR must
never be castigated in public. Nevertheless it is well known that the
USSR is in the forefront of human rights violations. To mention this fact appears
to be unsporting. I think this tradition should end. The USSR should take its
place in the public confessional along with the rest of us from white neo-imperialism.16
As late as 1989, the Centre claimed that, following the secret implementation
of "a plan approved by the KGB leadership," "the WCC executive
and central committee adopted public statements (eight) and messages (three) which
corresponded to the political direction of Socialist [Communist] countries."17
Members of the Orthodox hierarchy sent on missions to foreign church leaders,
doubtless with KGB approval, invariably insisted that believers in the Soviet
Union enjoyed freedom of religion. In January 1975 Metropolitan Yuvenali of Krutitsky
and Kolomna, who had succeeded his cousin Metropolitan Nikodim as the globetrotting
chairman of the Patriarchate's foreign relations department,18 traveled to Britain
for the enthronement of the new Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Donald Coggan. In
an interview on the BBC World Service, Yuvenali condemned the tendency of "certain
circles" in Britain, including some in the Church of England, to give a biased
and one-sided view of the Orthodox Church in Russia. In a private meeting with
Dr. Coggan, he attacked the Church Times for its "offensive" stories
on religious persecution in Russia and denounced Keston College, the world's leading
research center on religion in Communist countries, directed by the Anglican priest
Michael Bour-deaux, as "anti-Soviet." Though courteous, Dr. Coggan was
more robust than most of the Western council members of the WCC. Yuvenali appeared
incredulous as the Archbishop patiently defended the independence of the Church
Times and the fair-mindedness of Keston College. During a visit to the Soviet
Union two years later Dr. Coggan annoyed his hosts by departing from the prepared
itinerary to visit Moscow synagogues and the congregation of the imprisoned Baptist
minister, Georgi Vins, in Kiev, where he led the singing of the hymn "He
Who Would Valiant Be."19
Among KGB agents in the Patriarchate's foreign relations department who were regularly
used as agents of influence in meetings with Western churches was the monk losif
Pustoutov, who was recruited in 1970, aged twenty-six, with the code-name YESAULENKO.
Over the next few years YESAULENKO was sent on missions to the Netherlands, West
Germany, Italy and France. In 1976 he was appointed representative of the Moscow
Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church at the Prague headquarters of the
Christian Peace Conference. In order to raise his standing in the religious community,
his case officer at the Prague residency, Yevgeni Vasi-lyevich Medvedev, arranged
for him to be regularly invited to embassy receptions given by the Soviet ambassador.20
It would be both simplistic and unjust to see all the KGB's agents and co-optees
in the Orthodox Church and the WCC simply as cynical careerists with no real religious
faith—though that may have been true of a minority. Most Russian Orthodox priests
probably believed they had no option but to accept some of the demands of state
security. One of the best-known dissident priests of the 1970s, Father Dmitri
Dudko, later declared:
One hundred percent of the clergy were forced to cooperate to some extent with
the KGB and pass on some sort of information—otherwise they would have been deprived
of the possibility to work in a parish.
A minority, however, did successfully resist all the pressure placed on them by
the KGB. In December 1991, shortly before the dissolution of the Soviet Union,
the last deputy chairman of the KGB, Anatoli Oleinikov, told an interviewer that,
of the Russian Orthodox priests approached by the KGB, 15 to 20 percent had refused
to work for it.21 The courageous minority who resisted all KGB pressure were inevitably
denied advancement. The section of the Orthodox Church most compromised by its
association with the KGB was its hierarchy.
It would be wrong, however, to interpret the deference shown by the hierarchy
to the KGB simply in terms of the moral inadequacy of individual bishops. The
Church was strongly influenced by a centuries-old tradition of Orthodox spirituality
which emphasized submission to both God and Caesar. Before the Revolution, obedience
to the Tsar had been regarded almost as a religious obligation. The Orthodox Church
had traditionally functioned as a department of state as well as a guide to salvation.
Metropolitan Nikodim of Leningrad, who headed the Russian Orthodox delegation
to the WCC until his sudden death during a visit to the Vatican in 1978, impressed
many Western Christians by his deep devotion to the Orthodox liturgy and the apparent
intensity of his prayer during church services.22 Nikodim's admirers included
Pope John Paul I, who was with him when Nikodim died of a heart attack and said
afterwards that he had pronounced during their meeting "the most beautiful
words about the Church that I ever heard."23 Yet Nikodim was not merely supine
in his submission to the Soviet powers-that-be but also a KGB agent.24 So was
his private secretary and confidant, Nikolai Lvovich Tserpitsky, who was recruited
in 1971 with the codename VLADIMIR.25
A report by the Council for Religious Affairs in 1974 distinguished three categories
of Orthodox bishop. The first category
affirm both in words and deed not only loyalty but also patriotism towards the
socialist society; strictly observe the laws on cults, and educate the parish
clergy and believers in the same spirit; realistically understand that our state
is not interested in proclaiming the role of religion and the church in society;
and, realizing this, do not display any particular activeness in extending the
influence of Orthodoxy among the population.
Among the bishops in this category were Patriarch Pimen, who had succeeded Aleksi
I in 1971, and Metropolitan Aleksi of Tallinn and Estonia, who in 1990 was to
succeed Pimen as Patriarch Aleksi II.26 Both were fulsome in their public praise
of Soviet leaders. Pimen even claimed to detect "lofty spiritual qualities"
in Andropov, the chief persecutor of religious dissent during his patriarchate.
On Andropov's death Pimen declared that he would always "remember with heartfelt
gratitude" his "benevolent understanding of the needs of our Church."27
Like Patriarch Aleksi I, Pimen was used by the KGB to front Soviet "peace"
propaganda, paying gushing and sycophantic tribute to Brezhnev's "titanic
work in the cause of international peace."28 In February 1976 he, Metropolitan
Aleksi and the other metropolitans on the Holy Synod received special awards from
the Soviet Peace Fund "for manifold and fruitful activities of the Russian
Orthodox Church in the struggle for peace, security and friendship."29 A
month later the Patriarch was given a similar award by the World Peace Council
to mark its twenty-fifth anniversary.30 In June 1977, Pimen hosted a conference
at Zagorsk, organized behind the scenes by the KGB, entitled "Religious Workers
for Lasting Peace, Disarmament and Just Relations among Nations," which attracted
663 delegates from 107 countries, representing all the major world religions.31
The conference approved a call by Pimen to declare the years up to 2,000 "a
period of struggle for peace"—thus, in the KGB's view, preempting the danger
that the Vatican might take the lead in a similar appeal.32 A month later Pimen
was awarded the Order of the Red Banner "for his great patriotic activities
in defense of peace."33
The second category of bishops identified by the Council of Religious Affairs
in 1974 consisted of those who, though loyal to the state and "correct"
in their observance of the laws on religious observance, wished to "heighten
the role of the Church in personal, family and public life . . . and select for
priestly office young people who are zealous adherents of Orthodox piety."
Despite his use as an agent of influence in the World Council of Churches and
elsewhere, Metropolitan Nikodim was included in this second category rather than
the first—probably because of what was considered his excessive zeal in encouraging
religious devotion. The third category of bishops (just under a third of the total)
consisted of those "who at different times have made attempts to evade the
laws on cults," though without the conspicuous defiance which would have
required their removal from office.34
The first sign of dissidence within the Orthodox Church to gain worldwide publicity
during the Brezhnev era was an appeal to the Fifth Assembly of the World Council
of Churches at Nairobi in November 1975 by the banned priest Father Gleb Yakunin
and the layman Lev Regelson, who appealed for support for the victims of religious
persecution in the Soviet Union—a hitherto taboo subject at WCC meetings.35 A
Swiss delegate was applauded when he proposed that a resolution on "Disarmament,
the Helsinki Agreement and Religious Liberty" include the statement:
The WCC is concerned about restrictions to religious liberty, particularly in
the USSR. The Assembly respectfully requests the government of the USSR to implement
effectively principle no. 7 [religious and other freedoms] of the Helsinki Agreement.
Metropolitan Yuvenali complained that this proposal offended Christian charity.
A KGB agent on the drafting committee, Alexei Buyevsky (KUZNETSOV), working "in
the spirit of brotherly love, mutual understanding and the spirit of fellowship,"
helped produce a formula which avoided any specific reference to the Soviet Union
but "recognize[d] that churches in different parts of Europe are living and
under very different conditions and traditions." The WCC's general secretary,
the West Indian Methodist Dr. Philip Potter, was asked to prepare a report on
religious liberty in all countries which had signed the Helsinki Accords. The
Times interpreted the WCC resolution as "a sidestep by churches on Soviet
There were no such prevarications in the denunciation of Western racism and imperialism.
One of the keynote speakers at the assembly, Dr. Robert McAffie Brown of the Union
Theological Seminary, New York, confessed that, as a white, male middle-class
American, he embodied the sins of "racism, sexism, classism and imperialism."
In an attempt to avoid "linguistic imperialism," he then began speaking
in Spanish, thus forcing most of his audience to reach for their headsets so that
they could hear his address translated back into imperialist English. The WCC's
refusal to consider non-white racism, such as the expulsion of Ugandan Asians
in 1972, led to protests and a walk-out by some British delegates—prompting the
comment by Dr. Potter that, "Wherever the British have gone in the world
they have established a racist system."37 At the end of the conference, lobbying
by the Soviet-front Christian Peace Conference helped to ensure the election of
Metropolitan Nikodim (agent ADAMANT) as one of the WCC's six presidents.38
Had Andropov and the KGB leadership kept any sense of proportion about the threat
of "ideological subversion" posed by the few brave dissidents within
a generally subservient Orthodox Church, they would have been quite satisfied
by the outcome of the Nairobi Assembly. In fact, mild though the WCC response
to the appeal from Yakunin and Regelson was, it caused outrage at the Centre.39
Despite complaints by Dr. Potter's critics in the West that he was "openly
anti-Western and anti-capitalist,"40 the KGB claimed that, in reality, he
had "anti-Soviet leanings" and was "known for his provocative statements
about the absence of freedom of conscience in the USSR."41 Though he had
been given a carefully staged-managed tour of Soviet religious institutions two
months before the Nairobi Assembly, Potter had failed to defend them against Yakunin's
and Regelson's outrageously accurate criticisms. Metropolitan Filaret of Kiev
and Gallich told a Novosti correspondent after the assembly:
We deplore the prejudiced conviction held by the WCC leadership about our state
and the Russian Orthodox Church. WCC general secretary Mr. Potter, by the way,
was my guest last September and saw for himself that churches and monasteries
were open. While here he attended divine services and said that he was always
filled with joy when visiting this peace-loving country, in the midst of such
prayerful and happy surroundings. It seemed strange and surprising to us that
at the assembly he said nothing about his visit to the Soviet Union, including
The Centre organized a flood of letters to the ungrateful Dr. Potter from
Russian Orthodox clergy, Baptists and other Soviet Christians, protesting at his
alleged hostility towards them. It also sought to orchestrate public criticism
of Potter by "prominent religious figures" in Britain, Syria and Lebanon,
as well as in the Soviet Union.
Further KGB active measures included the publication in Moscow of an English-language
book, Religion Under Socialism, and the production of a TV documentary, Freedom
of Religion in the USSR, both involving a probably English-speaking agent codenamed
"K" (not identified in Mitrokhin's notes). Attempts were also made to
"compromise" Potter personally in various ways and—probably through
KGB agents in the WCC—to suggest his replacement as general secretary. Archbishop
Kiprian (agent SIMONOV) from the Moscow Church of the Consolation of All Who Sorrow,
gave an interview denouncing "fabrications concerning the so-called persecution
of believers in the USSR."43
The absurdity of the KGB's overreaction to the temporary embarrassment of the
Nairobi Assembly and Dr. Potter's handling of it was well illustrated by his report
to the WCC central committee in August 1976 on progress to religious liberty in
those countries which had signed the Helsinki Accords. His lengthy address said
nothing about religious persecution in the Soviet Bloc, despite extensive, well-documented
evidence of it submitted by Keston College and others. Dr. Potter did, however,
insist that "it is essential for churches in Europe and north America to
be aware of the problems created and maintained by European and American domination
of other regions of the world."44
The most serious act of public defiance within the Orthodox Church during the
Brezhnev era was, in the Centre's view, the foundation in December 1976 of the
Christian Committee for the Defence of Believers' Rights in the USSR by Father
Gleb Yakunin, Hierodeacon Varsonofy (Khaibulin) and a layman, Viktor Kapi-tanchuk.
The declared aim of the committee, which worked in consultation with the Helsinki
Monitoring Group, was to help believers of all denominations "exercise their
rights in accordance with their convictions."45 "Yakunin and his associates,"
reported the Centre, "are in practice engaging in a struggle with the existing
order in the USSR. . . proclaiming a national religious revival in Russia as an
alternative to Marxist-Leninist ideology":
The committee has an extensive network of correspondents among religious fanatics;
they are the main suppliers of information about the situation of believers in
the USSR to places abroad.
In order to cause a schism in the Russian Orthodox Church and to set up a new
Church organization taking up anti-Soviet positions, the Christian Committee has
launched a campaign to compromise clergy loyal to the Soviet state as unfit to
defend the interests of the believers.46
By 1980—to the consternation of the KGB—eleven volumes of documents totaling 1,189
pages of Russian text, obtained by the Christian Committee, had been published
in the West.47
The KGB eventually demolished the Christian Committee by its traditional techniques
of destabilization, agent penetration and persecution. The Fifth Directorate concluded
that the most vulnerable of the committee's founders was Hierodeacon Varsanofy.
With the assistance of GALKIN (an unidentified agent in the Orthodox
Church), Varsanofy was assigned early in 1978 to a church in Vladimir region whose
incumbent, VOLZHSKY, was a long-standing KGB agent. Finding it difficult to stay
in touch with Yakunin and Kapitanchuk, Varsanofy resigned from the Christian Committee.
According to Varsanofy's file, VOLZHSKY introduced him to a sympathetic psychiatrist
(also a KGB agent, codenamed BULKJN), who persuaded him that he was suffering
from a nervous illness and should give up membership of the Christian Committee
in order to reduce the stress he was under and prevent his illness from getting
worse. The KGB claimed the credit for inducing Varsonofy "to abandon political
activity and concentrate on research work in the field of theology, using materials
from the Oblast archives." While he was working in the archives, another
KGB agent, codenamed SPIRANSKY, succeeded in winning his confidence and allegedly
"deflected Varsanofy from his obsession of becoming the spokesman of believers
in the Soviet Union":
Finally he was persuaded to send a letter to Patriarch Pimen of All Russia and
to senior personalities in the Russian Orthodox Church apologizing for the hurt
that he had caused.48
On September 28,1978 the Centre secretly promulgated KGB order no. 00122 on "Measures
to Strengthen Agent Operational Work in the Struggle with the Subversive Activity
of Foreign Clerical Centres and Hostile Elements among Church People and Sectarians":
a lengthy document which reflected both the KGB's addiction to conspiracy theory
and its obsession with "ideological subversion" of all kinds. It also
paid unwitting, if irritated, tribute to the courage of the persecuted believers
and the vitality of their faith. Mitrokhin's notes on order no. 00122 include
Under the pretense of concern for the freedom of belief and the rights of believers
in the USSR, imperialist intelligence services and foreign anti-Soviet centers
were organizing ideological sabotage, aimed at undermining the moral and political
unity of Soviet society and undermining the basis of the Socialist system; they
sought to discredit the Soviet state and social order, incite religious organizations
towards confrontations with the state and stimulate the emergence of an anti-Soviet
underground among sectarians. With encouragement from abroad, hostile elements
had launched active organizational and provocational activity aimed at forming
illegal groups and organizations within the sectarian milieu, setting up printing
presses and establishing contacts with foreign clerical centers.
Following the directives of the May 1975 conference of leading officials of
KGB agencies [dealing with religious affairs], it had been possible to carry out
measures to strengthen operational positions in international religious organizations,
to expose and compromise their leaders, officials and emissaries of clerical centers.
Experienced and reliable agents had been infiltrated into the leading circles
of some sectarian for-
mations and measures to identify, prevent and terminate the subversive activity
of hostile elements among the clerical anti-Soviet underground had become more
effective, the further strengthening of the positions of progressive religious
figures had been ensured, as well as their active participation in the struggle
for peace and other political measures.
Operational work, however, still did not meet present requirements of the present
time. The operational situation in a number of sectors of KGB agency work remained
tense. The work of disrupting and detaching believers, especially among young
people, from the influence of hostile elements was being carried out feebly. Agent
positions in the leading ranks of the dissident Baptists, the Catholic and Uniate
priesthood, the Pentecostalists, the Adventists and the Jehovah's Witnesses, and
among the irregular Moslem clerics, were weak.
The USSR KGB Collegium decided as follows:
1. To raise the level of agent operational work designed to struggle against the
subversive activity conducted under the cover of religion by imperialist intelligence
services, clerical centers abroad and hostile elements within the country. The
basic task was to identify in good time, prevent and put an end to the subversive
designs of the adversary to stimulate anti-Soviet activity in the sectarian environment,
creating religious formations hostile to the Socialist system and drawing believers
into their sphere of influence.
2. The FCD, the SCD and the Fifth Directorate of the KGB were to identify the
foreign anti-Soviet clerical organizations which, evidence showed, were being
used by the adversary's special services and were to submit proposals for identifying
and cutting off subversive channels, identifying and intercepting communication
channels with hostile elements in the sectarian milieu . ..
3. The Fifth Directorate and the local KGB agencies were to take steps to put
an end to hostile activity designed to undermine loyalty to the Soviet state and
the social order by the largest religious organization in the USSR, namely the
Orthodox Church; they were to prevent the penetration of individuals with hostile
attitudes in the leading ranks of the Church; in 1978-80, they were to take steps
to strengthen the operational positions [i.e. the number and quality of agents]
within the structure of the Orthodox Church (in Metropolitan provinces, Eparchies,
parishes, monasteries and educational establishments), and to compromise and remove
reactionary and anti-Soviet elements . . ,49
The Christian Committee for the Defence of Believers' Rights sought to protect
itself against KGB penetration in part by remaining small, never having more than
four members at any one time.50 In May 1979, however, it was joined by Father
Vasili Fonchenkov, unaware that nine years earlier he had been recruited by the
Fifth Directorate as agent DRUG ("Friend"). According to his file, "He
was involved in the cultivation of specific individuals [in the Orthodox Church],
carried out his
assignments conscientiously and showed initiative." Since 1972 Fonchenkov
had been a lecturer at the Zagorsk theological academy as well as holding a position
in the foreign relations department of the Moscow Patriarchate. In 1976-7 he had
been the incumbent of the church of St. Sergi in East Berlin and editor of Stimme
der Orthodoxie (Voice of Orthodoxy), the journal of the Patriarchate's central
European exarchate.51 His contacts with foreign churches may well have helped
to recommend agent DRUG to his unwitting colleagues on the Christian Committee.
The KGB campaign against public dissent in the Orthodox Church reached its peak
in 1979-80, with a wave of arrests of leading dissidents—chief among them Father
Gleb Yakunin—who were later imprisoned or persuaded to recant. Probably to protect
his cover, Fonchenkov was summoned for interrogation by the KGB and issued a statement
saying that he was threatened with arrest, but was never charged.52 During a visit
to West Germany in March 1980 Archbishop Pitirim of Volokolamsk (agent ABBAT)53
bizarrely declared that there had been "no wave of arrests."54 The first
major success of the KGB campaign was to persuade the charismatic Moscow priest
Father Dmitri Dudko, whose offenses included calling for the canonization of Orthodox
martyrs of the Soviet era, to make a public recantation on Soviet television in
June 1980. Dudko's resistance had been broken by a particularly skillful KGB interrogator,
Vladimir Sergeyevich Sorokin, whom he had come to regard as "my own brother."
He said later that he had hoped that parts of his confession, such as his condemnation
of "the sabre-rattling of the Carter administration," would be recognized
as words placed in his mouth by the KGB. His reputation, however, never fully
There was no prospect of a recantation by Yakunin. Only his wife was allowed to
attend his trial. The rest of his family and friends, along with the Western press,
were refused admittance, while what one correspondent described as "burly
young men in ill-fitting suits," selected by the KGB, filed into the courtroom.
Probably to protect his cover, Fonchenkov was among those who were turned away.56
Those called to give evidence against Yakunin included several KGB agents inside
the Orthodox Church, among them losif Pustoutov (YESAULENKO), former representative
of the Moscow Patriarchate at the Prague headquarters of the Christian Peace Conference,
who testified to the harmful international consequences of the Christian Committee's
work. Yakunin accepted his sentence of five years' imprisonment, followed by five
years' internal exile, with the words, "I thank God for this test He has
sent me. I consider it a great honor, and, as a Christian, accept it gladly."
The British Council of Churches sent an appeal to Brezhnev, urging the court to
reconsider its opinion. Attempts to gain the support of the World Council of Churches
for a similar appeal
met with no response.57
A change in WCC rules before its Vancouver Assembly in 1983 ensured that the KGB
suffered no repetition of the embarrassment caused by the discussion of the Yakunin
and Regelson letter at the previous assembly seven and a half years earlier. Under
the new regulations, probably prompted by the KGB agents on the WCC council:
Appeals from groups or individuals for World Council of Churches intervention
cannot be acted on by the assembly without the support of delegates or member
churches, but will be followed up by the WCC general secretary.
An open letter from Vladimir Rusak, a Russian Orthodox deacon who had been dismissed
for writing an unauthorized history of the Church after the October Revolution,
appealed to delegates at Vancouver to "stop treating the propagandistic claims
of Soviet delegates as the only source of information" on religion in the
Soviet Union. He also urged the assembly to hold a frank debate on religious freedom.
The mere discussion of the Yakunin-Regelson letter at Nairobi had "yielded
some definite results" by embarrassing the authorities into the "hurried
publication" of some copies of the Bible. The assembly also received another
letter on behalf of thirty-five imprisoned Soviet Christians and 20,000 persecuted
Pentecostalists who wished to emigrate to the West. Unsurprisingly, neither letter
received support from Soviet delegates and neither was discussed at the assembly.
The embarrassment of the Afghan War was also successfully contained. Despite the
desire of a minority of delegates for"a condemnation of Soviet aggression
and the unconditional withdrawal of Soviet troops," the final compromise
resolution called for a Soviet withdrawal only "in the context of an overall
political settlement between Afghanistan and the USSR" (conveniently ignoring
the fact that the Kabul regime had been installed by the Soviet invaders) and
"an end to the supply of arms to the opposition groups from outside"
(in other words, the denial of arms to those resisting the Soviet invasion). These
were precisely the conditions which the Soviet Union itself laid down for the
withdrawal of its troops. Unsurprisingly, the Russian Orthodox delegation praised
the final resolution as "balanced and realistic."The Vancouver Assembly
had no such inhibitions in condemning the West. Western capitalism was duly denounced
as the main source of injustice in the world, responsible for the evils of sexism,
racism, "cultural captivity, colonialism, and neo-colonialism."58
The success, in Moscow's view, of the Vancouver Assembly, probably helps to explain
why the Centre established as one of the priorities for KGB active measures for
Exerting influence in our favor on the activity of... clerical organizations on
the questions of war and peace, and other key contemporary problems.59
Looking back on his career in the KGB, Oleg Kalugin concludes that, like "the
stranglehold over the Church inside the Soviet Union," the penetration and
exploitation of the Russian Orthodox Church abroad was "one of the most sordid
and little known chapters in the history of our organization."60 Mitrokhin
came to the same conclusion, commenting at one point in his notes that the files
contained "a whirlpool of filth."61 The KGB used its agents among Russian
Orthodox clergy in the West not merely to spy on emigre communities but also to
identify possible agent recruits.62 Though the Russian Orthodox Church in north
America was split, the
faction which remained loyal to the Moscow Patriarchate was, according to Kalugin,
"riddled with KGB agents."63 Among the agents identified in the files
noted by Mitrokhin was a cleric codenamed PETROV, who was sent to north America
in the 1970s. His case officers in north America contacted him by using the passwords
"Pyotr Mikhailovich," the first name and patronymic of his Fifth Directorate
controller in Moscow.64
The file on Arkadi Rodyonovich Tyshchuk (VORONOV), a priest who was posted to
the Nikolsky Russian Orthodox cathedral in New York from 1977 to 1982, contains
evidence of a hostility to the United States which may also have helped to motivate
other Orthodox priests in the KGB's north American network. The United States,
VORONOV told his KGB case officer, suffered from the sin of pride—"and pride
comes before a fall:"
When a country declares itself to be the most powerful and the richest, and that
its government is the smartest and possesses the best weapons—that is not maturity,
it is bragging, and is the reason for the downfall of all the powerful nations
of the past.
VORONOV usually met his controller from the New York residency either at the Soviet
mission to the United Nations, where he went to collect his correspondence from
Russia, or on board the ship Mikhail Lermontov, which regularly came into port
at New York. More difficult to explain than his hostility to the United States
was his apparent admiration for the KGB which, according to his file, he bizarrely
described as a "good shepherd" and a "true Russian spiritual guardian
Russian Orthodox priests in the West were also used by FCD Directorate S to collect
material for use in devising the well-documented legends of KGB illegals. In the
early 1970s, for example, two KGB agents in the Moscow Patriarchate were sent
to carry out detailed research on parish registers in Canada. Ivan Grigoryevich
Bor-cha (codenamed FYODOR), who worked as a priest in prairie parishes of Ukrainian
and Romanian communities, studied registers in Alberta and Saskatchewan. Viktor
Sergeyevich Petlyuchenko (PATRIOT), who was assigned to Orthodox parishes in Edmonton,
carried out further research in Alberta.66
The Russian Orthodox Church, both at home and abroad, took a prominent part
in the Rodina ("Motherland") Society founded as a front organization
by the KGB in December 1975 to promote "cultural relations with compatriots
abroad," and thus provide new opportunities for agent recruitment among emigre
communities. Its vice-president, P. I. Vasilyev, was a senior member of the FCD's
Nineteenth (Soviet emigre) Department and headed a secret Rodina intelligence
section.67 Metropolitan Aleksi of Tallinn and Estonia (agent DROZDOV),68 the future
Patriarch Aleksi II, who was made a Rodina council member, told its opening conference,
"We are all united by our love for our Socialist motherland." Through
its exarchates, dioceses and parishes in Europe, America, Asia and Africa, the
Orthodox Church "continued to maintain spiritual ties with our compatriots"
and was "doing its best to keep these contacts alive and active."69
Metropolitan Aleksi is unlikely to have been unaware
that these contacts were exploited by the KGB. According to a KGB document of
1988, "An order was drafted by the USSR KGB chairman to award an honorary
citation to agent DROZDOV" for unspecified services to state security.70
THOUGH NEVER FULLY satisfied by the extent of its stranglehold over the Orthodox
Church, the KGB was far more concerned by the "subversive" activities
of those Christians over whom it had no direct control. The largest of the underground
churches was the Greek Catholic (or Uniate) Church of Ukraine (nowadays the Ukrainian
Catholic Church), whose liturgy and structure followed the "Eastern Rite"
but which accepted the authority of Rome. Fearful at the end of the Second World
War that the Uniate Church would provide a focus for Ukrainian nationalism, Stalin
set out to terrorize it into submission to Moscow. In 1946 a mock synod in Lviv
cathedral, staged by the MGB with the assistance of a small number of Uniate stooges
and the blessing of the Orthodox hierarchy, announced the "reunion"
of the Greek Catholics with the Russian Orthodox Church. Greek Catholic Archbishop
(later Cardinal) Josyf Slipyj wrote later:
Our priests were given the choice of either joining the "church of the Regime"
and thereby renouncing Catholic unity, or enduring for at least ten years the
harsh fate of deportation and all the penalties associated with it. The overwhelming
majority of priests chose the way of the Soviet Union's prisons and concentration
Almost overnight, the four million Uniate Christians became the world's largest
illegal church. All but two of its ten bishops, along with many thousands of priests
and believers, died for their faith in the Siberian gulag.71
In 1963 Slipyj was expelled to Rome, leaving Bishop (later Archbishop) Vasyl Velychkovsky
as effective leader of the underground church. The KGB immediately deployed five
agents—TIKHOV, SIDORENKO, ROMANENKO, SOVA and PODOLENIN (none identified in Mitrokhin's
notes)—in a series of attempts to discredit Velychkovsky among the persecuted
Uniate faithful. TIKHOV, evidently a member of the underground church, periodically
sent to Slipyj in the Vatican letters containing disinformation about Velychkovsky
fabricated by the Centre. According to KGB files, Slipyj sent his own emissaries
to the Ukraine to check the truth of the allegations against his successor, but
agents who were planted on them confirmed TIKHOV's fabrications.72 KGB reports,
however, probably overstated the success of their active measures. There is no
convincing evidence of a breach between Slipyj and Velychkovsky.
In July 1967 a conference of senior officials of Soviet Bloc intelligence
agencies met in Budapest to discuss "work against the Vatican; measures to
discredit the Vatican and its backers; and measures to exacerbate differences
within the Vatican and between the Vatican and capitalist countries."73 Two
senior KGB officers, Agayants and Khamazyuk, addressed the conference on "The
Hostile Activity of the Vatican and of the Catholic and Uniate Clergy on the Territory
of the USSR and the Expe-
rience of the [KGB] Agencies in Countering this Activity." A third, Kulikov,
spoke on "Some aspects of agent operational work against Vatican institutions."
On the proposal of the KGB delegation, all but the Romanian representatives agreed
on the need to intensify "work against the Vatican in close relation with
the work against the Main Adversary." Andropov, who regarded the Uniates
as the spearhead of the Vatican's ideological sabotage offensive in the Soviet
Union, wrote to the Central Committee, emphasizing the importance of the conference's
Andropov's obsession with ideological subversion by the Holy See was doubtless
reinforced by the claim in a 1968 intelligence report that the Vatican's Secretariat
of State had devised a masterplan to shatter the unity of the Soviet Union and
had given the Deputy Secretary of State, Cardinal Giovanni Benelli, the task of
implementing it.75 A Centre assessment of 1969 repeated the claim that the Vatican
was out "to shatter the Soviet Union from within with the help of ideological
Church people were disseminating Church propaganda literature, praising the Western
way of life, whipping up nationalist feelings among the population of Soviet Republics
and sowing distrust among Soviet people towards Soviet and Party agencies.76
A professional antireligioznik from the Ukraine, speaking at an official conference
in 1969, paid unwitting tribute to the continued vitality of the persecuted Uniates:
Nurturing hopes for the restoration of the Uniate Church, its apologists are working
on the clergy who reunited with Orthodoxy, trying to persuade them to repudiate
the "Muscovites" and to adopt openly or secretly a Uniate, pro-Vatican
line. In some regions of the Ukraine, illegal schools were organized to train
new Uniate priests. In a series of localities, the Uniates have willfully opened
previously closed churches and have been conducting [unauthorized] religious services
On April 4,1969 Andropov approved further "measures to intensify the struggle
against subversive activity by the Vatican and the Uniates on the territory of
the USSR in 1969-70," to be implemented jointly by the FCD, the Fifth (Dissidents
and Ideological Subversion) Directorate and local KGBs. The FCD was instructed,
somewhat ambitiously, to attempt the agent penetration of all major sections of
the Vatican bureaucracy, the Jesuit order, the Russicum and other pontifical colleges
training priests for Eastern churches, as well as to make operational contact
with three Roman clerics—codenamed APOSTOL, RASS and SLUGA—who had been born in
the Soviet Union.78 Among the few successes in this ambitious program by the end
of 1969 which Mitrokhin found in Centre files was the penetration of pontifical
colleges by KGB agents from the legally established Catholic Church in the Soviet
Union, particularly the Baltic republics. PETROV and ROGULIN, both agents of the
Fifth Directorate, had arrived in Rome in January 1968 to begin three years' study
at the Russicum; in 1969 they went on an intelligence-gathering mission to "Catholic
centers" in France and Belgium.79 During 1969, two KGB agents from
Lithuania, ANTANAS and VIDMANTAS, were studying at the Gregorian University.80
Two other Lithuanian agents, DAKTARAS (a bishop) and ZHIBUTE, took part in the
working commission for the reform of the Canon Law Codex, held at the Vatican
from May 21 to June 11, 1969. DAKTARAS told his case officer that, at a papal
audience on June 7, Paul VI had told him, "I remember you in my prayers and
hope that God will help the clergy and believers [in Lithuania]."81
With the assistance of the Hungarian AVH, the KGB also succeeded in cultivating
a member of the Vatican's Congregation for the Eastern Church, Uniate Bishop Dudas,
who was resident in Hungary. A Fifth Directorate female agent, POTOCHINA, who
had probably infiltrated the underground church in Ukraine, traveled regularly
to Hungary on the pretext of visiting a relative and—according to her file—succeeded
in winning Dudas's confidence.82 Dudas doubtless never suspected that she was
a KGB agent, sent to obtain intelligence on the Vatican's secret contacts with
the Ukrainian Uniates.
The operations against the Vatican approved by Andropov in April 1969 also included
a series of active measures. The KGB was instructed to find ways of creating distrust
between emigre clerics in Rome and Uniates and other Catholics in the Soviet Union.
The leading KGB agents in the Russian Orthodox Church who were in contact with
the Vatican—DROZDOV (Metropolitan Aleksi), ADAMANT (Metropolitan Nikodim), SVYATOSLAV
and NESTEROV (both unidentified)— were instructed "to cause dissension between
Vatican organizations such as the Congregation for the Eastern Church, the Secretariat
for Christian Unity and the Commission for Justice and Peace." In order to
put pressure on the Vatican "to cease its subversive activity," ADAMANT
was also instructed to tell his contacts in the Roman Curia that the Soviet government
was contemplating establishing autonomous Catholic churches in the Baltic republics
and elsewhere in the Soviet Union which would be independent of Rome. The Lithuanian
bishop DAKTARAS passed on the same message when he attended a bishop's conference
in Rome in October 1969.83 There is no evidence that any of the active measures
had a discernible effect on Vatican policy.
As well as giving higher priority to operations against the Vatican, Andropov
also stepped up the persecution of the Ukrainian Uniates. In 1969 the head of
the underground church, Bishop Velychkovsky, was arrested and sentenced to three
years' imprisonment. The KGB reported that his arrest "greatly helped to
achieve a psychological breakthrough in the mind of SERAFIM," another leading
figure in the Uniate underground, who was recruited as a KGB agent. According
to Mitrokhin's notes on his file:
SERAFIM explained in detail by whom, when and in what circumstances he was tasked
to direct monks illegally; he reported incidents of criminal organizational activity
by Bishop Velychkovsky and his close contacts; he reported on the situation among
underground orders of monks . . . and he drew up a list of Uniate priests operating
illegally. SERAFIM's answers were recorded covertly on tape.
Though SERAFIM agreed to "cooperate secretly" with the KGB, he refused
to sign the written undertaking required of most informers. His controller did
not insist, on the grounds that it would represent too great "a psychological
trial for a man of religion" and leave him in fear of "divine punishment
in the next world." Another agent, terrified of "being cast into Hell,"
had once begged the controller, on bended knee, to return his signed undertaking.84
In 1971 the KGB also succeeded in recruiting in Lviv one of the leading members
of an underground order of Uniate monks, codenamed IRENEY, who served as one of
the main points of contact with the Catholic Church in Poland. The Fifth Department
regarded IRENEY as a tough nut to crack. If confronted directly with his "illegal
activity," he would probably be strong enough to withstand the usual uncompromising
interrogation. If given too many details of his activities, he would be able to
identify members of the underground church who had informed on him. The KGB decided
to begin by mounting a major surveillance operation on IRENEY's sister and "conspiratorial"
collaborator, MARIYA. After MARIYA's sudden death, with IRENEY in deep depression,
his case officer judged that the time was ripe for "a complex recruitment
operation." IRENEY was brought in for interrogation and given extensive details
of his ministry in the underground church, carefully designed to give the misleading
impression that MARIYA had been informing on him for many years. Mitrokhin's notes
give the following summary of the interrogator's self-congratulatory report:
The monk lost the power of speech; he was totally stunned by this astonishing
thought. His wild eyes, trembling hands, and the perspiration which covered his
face betrayed his strong spiritual turmoil. . . Judging that denials were useless,
[IRENEY] described the membership of the illegal leadership of the monastic order
in Ukraine; he named Uniate authorities and monks who had come to Lvov [Lviv]
through the tourist channel; and he spoke of his own journey to Poland in 1971
and of the meetings that he had held there. A month later, [IRENEY] was recruited
. . . but refused to give a signed undertaking.
IRENEY remained so convinced that his sister had been a KGB agent that, when
passing information to his controller, he frequently added the comment, "No
doubt my sister told you this." According to his KGB file, he never ceased
to marvel at the way in which sister had succeeded in keeping her KGB connection
a secret from him.85
In 1972, like Slipyj nine years earlier, Bishop Velychkovsky was deported
to the Vatican. A year later the KGB managed to gain access to Slipyj. Cardinal
Felici invited to the Vatican a leading Uniate cleric from Czechoslovakia, unaware
that he was a KGB agent codenamed PROFESSOR. Originally recruited by the Czechoslovak
StB, PROFESSOR had been used by the KGB in 1971 to go on a supposedly "pastoral"
visitation of the Redemptorist Order in Ukraine in order to provide intelligence
on the activities of the underground church and its links with Rome. In September
1973 he met Slipyj in Vatican. Plans were made for PROFESSOR to
meet the Uniate leadership in Lviv, but Mitrokhin's notes do not record whether
this meeting went ahead.86
In February 1975 a conference of Soviet Bloc intelligence services considered
the coordination of operations against, and agent penetration in, the Vatican.87
The Polish SB, Czechoslovak StB and Hungarian AVH all reported that they had "significant
agent positions in the Vatican." Mitrokhin's notes record no such claim by
the KGB. As at the similar conference in 1967, however, a hugely ambitious and
unrealistic program for agent penetration was drawn up, which included plans to
cultivate the Uniate leadership and no fewer than seven cardinals (Casaroli, Willebrands,
Kinig, Samora, Benelli, Poggi and Pignedoli), as well as an elaborate series of
active measures to influence and discredit the Catholic Church.88
Among the individual targets for character assassination was Velychkovsky 's successor
as head of the underground Uniate Church, Bishop (later Metropolitan Archbishop)
Volodymyr Sternyuk. Agent NATASHA spread disinformation about Sternyuk's alleged
sexual immorality and the same stories were passed by other agents to the Vatican.
As a result, according to KGB reports, "he lost the support of a significant
part of the Uniates."89 In reality, despite a new and vicious round of religious
persecution in the early 1980s, the KGB lost its war against the Uniates. In 1987
Sternyuk emerged from the underground at the age of eighty-one with the status
of a national hero, openly acknowledged by Rome as head of the Catholic Church
in Ukraine — to the dismay of both the KGB and most of the Orthodox hierarchy.
Metropolitan Filaret of Kiev and Galich insisted as late as October 1989, "The
Uniates will never be legalized in our country." They were legalized by the
end of the year.90
AFTER THE UNIATES and other Catholics, the KGB was most concerned during its war
against religious "ideological subversion" in the Soviet Union by the
activities of the unregistered Protestant churches and sects, which — like the
Uniates — were outside direct state control. In the late 1950s the KGB estimated
the membership of what it termed "illegal sectarian formations" — chief
among them the Reform Baptists, Pentecostalists, Jehovah's Witnesses and Reformed
Adventists — at about 100,000.91
The fact that throughout the Brezhnev era the KGB continued, on Andropov's instructions,
to spend so much time and effort on groups who represented no conceivable threat
to the Soviet system is further evidence of its obsession with even the most harmless
forms of dissent. Andropov made the keynote of his address to an all-union KGB
conference in 1975 the claim that anti-Soviet elements were conspiring against
the state "under cover of religion." The first essential in unmasking
and defeating the conspiracies was agent penetration:
This is difficult, since false perceptions of the attitude of the state towards
religion which still prevail in their milieu have left a definite mark on the
psychology of the believers. Among sectarians there is a prejudice that any assistance
to the authorities, including the KGB, is a great sin — treason. There is no trust
in the humanism of the Cheka.
Andropov's complaint that believers failed to trust the "humanism" of
the KGB provides further evidence of his limited sense of the absurd. To illustrate
the difficulties of agent penetration among the ungrateful sectarians, he gave
the example of "one candidate for recruitment, who had almost freed himself
from errors with regard to the Cheka, and carried out particular assignments from
an operational officer:"
. . . One day, however, he declared that meetings with his operational officer
were sinful. He explained that the Lord God had appeared to him in a dream, had
handcuffed him and asked: "Whose servant art thou?" Greatly shaken by
this dream, the potential recruit interpreted it as a warning from God and stopped
meeting the Chekist.92
Mitrokhin cannot have been the only KGB officer who, as he listened to such speeches
or read articles on operations against believers in the classified in-house journal
KGB Sbornik, secretly admired their courage and their faith. No hint of that admiration,
however, appeared in KGB reports.
By the 1960s the KGB leadership had reluctantly concluded that no amount of persecution
would wipe out the sectarians altogether. A conference in March 1959 of senior
KGB officers leading "the struggle against Jehovists [Jehovah's Witnesses]"
concluded that the correct strategy was "to continue measures of repression
with measures of disruption."93 The KGB set out to divide, demoralize and
discredit the sectarians, as well as to arrest their most influential leaders
on trumped-up charges.
In 1966 Pastors Georgi Vins and Gennadi Kryuchkov, the leaders of the Reform Baptists,
probably the largest sectarian group, were jailed for three years. After their
release, both went underground to continue their ministry. In 1974 Vins was caught
and rearrested. Despite a major international campaign on his behalf, he was sentenced
to a further ten years' imprisonment, but was released in a "spy exchange"
in 1979 and expelled to the United States. Pastor Kryuchkov remained at liberty
until 1989, when he dramatically reappeared in public at an emotional Reform Baptist
congress. His success in continuing a secret ministry for almost twenty years
without being caught by the KGB remains one of the most astonishing achievements
in the history of the Soviet religious underground.94
Remarkably, however, the KGB was even more concerned by Jehovah's Witnesses,
viewed with indifference or suspicion by most governments around the world, than
by the Reform Baptists, whose heroic endurance of persecution attracted international
sympathy. The head of the Second Chief Directorate, General Oleg Mikhailovich
Gribanov, reported in 1962, "The most hostile of the sectarians are the Jehovists."95
Since their emergence in the United States in the 1870s, no other Christian sect
has spent so much of its energies on prophesying the end of the world. Though
many of its detailed prophecies have been discredited and the Apocalypse has been
repeatedly postponed, the basic millennarian message of Jehovah's Witnesses has
never varied: "The end is near. Christ will reveal himself shortly to bring
destruction upon the nations and all who oppose is messianic kingdom."96
In the course of the twentieth century Jehovah's Witnesses have been persecuted
by many authoritarian regimes. Thousands suffered martyrdom in the death camps
of the Nazi Third Reich. No major intelligence agency, however, has been quite
as concerned as the KGB by the "Jehovist conspiracy." The Jehovist obsession
of senior KGB officers was, perhaps, the supreme example of their lack of any
sense of proportion when dealing with even the most insignificant forms of dissent.
Until the Second World War there had been no Jehovah's Witnesses in the Soviet
Union. The incorporation of eastern Poland, Lithuania and Moldavia in 1939-40,
however, turned thousands of Witnesses into unwilling Soviet citizens.97 Many
were deported to Siberia, accused of being "an American sect."98 In
1968 the KGB put the total number of Jehovah's Witnesses at about 20,000."
The fact that the Witnesses had originated in the United States and still had
their world headquarters in Brooklyn was regarded as deeply suspicious by the
Centre's many conspiracy theorists.100 The almost surreal outrage of KGB analysts,
as they denounced the Witnesses for describing the Soviet state (like states in
general) as the work of the Devil, would not be out of place in Bulgakov's The
Master and Margarita:
The sect of the Jehovah's Witnesses or Students of the Bible is a foreign invention.
It is dangerous because it is actively engaged in drawing new members into the
sect. . . The sectarians call Communists and the Komsomols "sons of the Devil."
They demonstrate that the Soviet state is founded by Satan. Therefore one must
not implement Soviet laws, or take part in elections, and they urge people to
refuse to serve in the Soviet army. Jehovists extend assistance of all kind to
their co-religionists who are in the [labor] camps or in internal exile, supplying
them with money, food and clothing.101
The Soviet press, meanwhile, accused the Witnesses' Brooklyn headquarters of organizing
an aggressive crusade against the countries of the Soviet Bloc.102
The Centre was disturbed by reports that, even in labor camps, "the Jehovah
leaders and authorities did not reject their hostile beliefs and in camp conditions
continued to carry out their Jehovah work." A conference of KGB officers
working on operations against Jehovah's Witnesses met at Kishinev in, November
1967 to discuss new measures "to prevent the sectarians' hostile work"
and "ideological subversion:"
The agencies were to strengthen in every way their agent positions among Jehovah's
Witnesses within the country; they were to collect and build up information about
young members of the sect and about the Jehovah authorities for operational purposes,
recruitment, compromise and for open counter-measures . . . The conference recognized
that it was essential to select and promote to leading positions in the sect,
with the help of agents, people who were barely literate, who lacked initiative
and were unlikely to stimulate the activity of subordinate units.103
The seriousness with which the conference discussed the Jehovist menace was, once
again, almost surreal. The allegedly dangerous conspiracy which the Centre devoted
so many resources to combating amounted to little more than the attempt by small
groups to worship together in private, mostly in each others' homes, and their
refusal to perform military service. Yet the conspiracy was judged so dangerous
that the conference agreed on the need for agent penetration of the Brooklyn headquarters
and its west European branches.104 It was also feared that Brooklyn might correctly
identify some Jehovah's Witnesses who had gone long periods without arrest as
KGB agents. The conference therefore agreed on the need to "create a reliable
reserved of understudy agents" for use if the existing agents were unmasked.105
As well as grossly exaggerating the menace of the Jehovah's Witnesses and other
sectarians, the KGB Sbornik also contained self-congratulatory accounts of the
active measures used to destabilize them. One such case study in the mid-1970s
concerned the leader of the Jehovah's Witnesses in Khmelnitskaya Oblast, codenamed
PAVEL, whose "criminal activities consisted of drawing new members into the
sect, conducting illegal gatherings, inducing young believers to refuse to serve
in the army, holding and disseminating religious literature." The KGB concocted
"well-documented defamatory materials" which were used in a press campaign
against him. Even PAVEL's children from his first marriage were persuaded to sign
a newspaper article about him. Finally an evening meeting was arranged by the
KGB in Shepetovka, attended by local Jehovah's Witnesses, as well as representatives
of the Party, provincial administration, collective farms and newspapers, at which
PAVEL was subjected to a series of doubtless well-rehearsed denunciations of his
alleged indolence, cruelty, egoism and dissolute behavior. The KGB report on the
meeting noted with satisfaction that the evening ended in PAVEL's utter humiliation
and the "unrestrained sobbing" of his second wife.106
Like the other sectarians, Jehovah's Witnesses showed an astonishing capacity
to survive persecution. During the Gorbachev era, the KGB's campaign against them
gradually disintegrated. In October 1989, doubtless to the outrage of many KGB
officers, the head of the European department of the Brooklyn Centre, Willi Pohl,
arrived in Moscow as the guest of the Council of Religious Affairs to visit Soviet
Witness communities and discuss their future.107
DURING THE LATER 1980s the Moscow Patriarchate seemed to be trying neither to
fall behind nor to overtake the speed at which the official programs of glasnost
and perestroika were developing. In 1991, a year after succeeding Pimen as Patriarch,
Aleksi II, finally dissociated himself and the Russian Orthodox Church from the
"declaration of loyalty" to the Soviet system issued by Metropolitan
Sergi in 1927. When an interviewer reminded him that, a quarter of a century earlier,
the Council for Religious Affairs had classed him as one of those bishops most
loyal to the state, the Patriarch asked for forgiveness and understanding of his
attitude at the time. As the Soviet Union began to disintegrate in the final months
of 1991, Aleksi II declared that "Russia has suffered a severe illness in
the form of Communism."108
The Russian Orthodox Church, however, continued to be haunted by its past history
of KGB penetration. After the failure of the August coup in 1991, the Russian
government's Committee on Freedom of Conscience, which included Father Gleb Yakunin,
was given access to a section of the KGB archives which showed that some members
of the Orthodox hierarchy had been KGB agents. After Yakunin published a selection
of the documents, the archives were closed once more; he was accused of having
betrayed state secrets to the United States and threatened with a private prosecution.109
Father Gleb remained defiant. He wrote to the Patriarch in January 1994:
If the Church is not cleansed of the taint of the spy and informer, it cannot
be reborn. Unfortunately, only one archbishop—Archbishop Khrizostom of Lithuania—has
had the courage publicly to acknowledge that in the past he worked as an agent,
and has revealed his codename: RESTAVRATOR. No other Church hierarch has followed
his example, however.
The most prominent agents of the past include DROZDOV—the only one of the churchmen
to be officially honored with an award by the KGB of the USSR, in 1988, for oustanding
intelligence services—ADAMANT, OSTROV-SKY, MIKHAILOV, TOPAZ and ABBAT It is obvious
that none of these or the less exalted agents are preparing to repent. On the
contrary, they deliver themselves of pastoral maxims on the allegedly neutral
character of informing on the Church, and articles have appeared in the Church
press justifying the role of the informer as essential for the survival of the
Church in an anti-religious state.
The codenames I discovered in the archives of the KGB belong to the top hierarchs
of the Moscow Patriarchate.110
The letter to Aleksi II was unprecedented in the history of the Russian Orthodox
Church—for, as the Patriarch must surely have been aware, DROZDOV, the most important
of the KGB agents discovered by Father Gleb in the KGB archives, was in fact himself.
Chapter Twenty-eight The Penetration and Persecution of the Soviet Churches
1. Lenin, Works, vol. 35, pp. 89-90; Shipler, Russia, pp. 270-1. KGB persecution
of Islam and Judaism will be covered in volume 2.
2. Stalin may also have been influenced by the desire not to alienate his Anglo-American
allies by conti ued religious persecution at a time when he was pressing them
to open a second front. Pospielovsky "Th 'Best Years' of Stalin's Church
Policy (1942-1948) in the Light of Archival Documents."
3. The work of Michael Bourdeaux and his colleagues at Keston College has impressively
documented the vitality of religious life in the post-war Russian Orthodox Church,
despite continued persecution and mostly subservient hierarchy. See, inter alia,
Bourdeaux, Risen Indeed.
4. Luchterhandt, "The Council for Religious Affairs."
5. vol. 5, sec. 9.
6. Meerson, "The Political Philosophy of the Russian Orthodox Episcopate
in the Soviet Period," p. 221
7. Revesz, The Christian Peace Conference, pp. 1-4.
10. Harriss, "The Gospel According to Marx," pp. 61-2.
11. Mitrokhin did not see the fde on the 1961 WCC Central Committee meeting. Another
file noted by him, however, identifies ADAMANT as Nikodim; vol. 7, ch. 5, para.
12. "WCC Gives Eight-point Lead to Member Churches," Church Times (August
13. "Elusive Goal" (leader), Church Times (August 29,1969).
14. Harriss, "The Gospel According to Marx," pp. 61-2. On Buyevsky's
role in the Moscow Patriarchate's foreign relations Department, see Ellis, The
Russian Orthodox Church, p. 266.
15. Letter from the Bishop of Bristol to the Church Times (September 7,1973);
Smith, Fraudulent Gospel, pp. 2-3.
16. Babris, Silent Churches, p. 472.
17. Document cited by Harriss, "The Gospel According to Marx," p. 62.
18. KGB Church records temporarily accessible to journalists after the disintegration
of the Soviet Union indicate that, at some stage after Nikodim's death in 1978,
Yuvenali was given his former KGB codename ADAMANT. (It was not unusual for KGB
codenames to be recycled.) Michael Dobbs, "Business as Usual for Ex-KGB Agents,"
Washington Post (February 11,1992).
19. Pawley, Donald Coggan, pp. 244-8.
21. Polyakov, "Activities of the Moscow Patriarchate in 1991," p. 152.
22. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, pp. 226-9.
23. Daily American (September 8,1978). On September 29,1978, less than a month
after Nikodim's death in the Vatican, John Paul I also died suddenly, thus becoming
the shortest-lived pope since Urban VII died of malaria twelve days after his
election in 1590.
24. See above, chapter 28.
25. k-1, 30.
26. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, pp. 215-16. On the authenticity of the
report, see Oppenheim, "Are the Furov Reports Authentic?"
27. "His Holiness Patriarch Pimen's Address Before Panikhida in the Patriarchal
Cathedral of the Epiphany in Moscow," Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate
(1984), no. 3.
28. See, for example, Pimen's telegram to Brezhnev of December 17,1976 \n Journal
of the Moscow Patriarchate (1977), no. 2, pp. 3-4.
29. "Soviet Peace Fund Awards," Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate (1976),
30. "His Holiness Patriarch Pimen Awarded by the World Peace Council,"
Journal of the Mosc chate (1976), no. 6.
31. "World Conference: Religious Leaders for Lasting Peace, Disarmament and
Just Relations arno Nations, "Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate (1977),
no. 7, pp. 2-3 and no. 8, pp. 17—64.
jv o r e s
32. k-1, 23; vol. 6, ch. 10. The Patriarchate was also involved in another KGB-sponsored
production in 1982, the World Conference of Religious Workers for Saving the Sacred
Gift of Life from Nuclear Catastrophe, which again attracted about 600 participants.
33. "Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet on Conferring the
Order of the Red Banner of Labor upon Patriarch Pimen of Moscow and All Russia,"Journalof'the
Moscow Patriarchate (1977), no. 9, p. 3.
34. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, p. 217.
35. The full text of the letter from Yakunin and Regelson was published in Religion
in Communist Lands, vol. 41 (1976), no. 1.
36. Lefever, Nairobi to Vancouver, pp. 64-5; Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church,
pp. 355—68; Hudson, The World Council of Churches in International Affairs, pp.
37. Norman, Christianity and the World Order, pp. 1-2, 90 n. 62.
38. Lefever, Nairobi to Vancouver, p. 65; Babris, Silent Churches, p. 475.
39. vol. 6, ch. 10.
40. Harriss, "The Gospel According to Marx," p. 63.
41. vol. 6, ch. 10.
42. "Interview Given by Metropolitan Filaret of Kiev and Gallich to a Novosti
Press Agency Correspondent," Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate (1976), no.
43. vol. 6, ch. 10.
44. Smith, Fraudulent Gospel, p. 68.
45. The text of the founding declaration of the Christian Committee was published
in Religion in Communist Lands, vol. 6 (1978), no. 1. On the work of the committee,
see Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, pp. 373-81.
47. Documents of the Christian Committee for the Defense of Believers'Rights in
the USSR, 12 vols. (Vol. 3 consists of English translations; the remainder contain
reproductions of the original Russian texts.) See also Scarfe (ed.), The CCDBR
Documents: Christian Committee for the Defense of Believers'Rights in the USSR.
48. k-1, 65. On Varsonofy's resignation from the Christian Committee, cf. Ellis,
The Russian Orthodox Church, p. 379.
50. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, p. 379.
51. k-1, 50. On Fonchenkov's public career, cf. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church,
52. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, p. 428.
53. Albats, The State within a State, p. 46.
54. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, pp. 422ff.
55. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, pp. 430-9.
56. It is impossible, however, to rule out the possibility, that Fonchenkov had
become genuinely sympathetic towards Yakunin. Mitrokhin's notes on his career
as agent DRUG are limited to the 1970s.
57. Ellis, The Russian Orthodox Church, pp. 439-41.
58. Lefever, Nairobi to Vancouver, pp. 3-5, 67-70, 73, 75, appendix A.
59. Andrew and Gordievsky (eds.), Instructions from the Centre, p. 20.
60. Kalugin, Spymaster, p. 197. /
61. vol. 6, ch. 10, n. 1.
62. Mitrokhin's notes on the file of agent VORONOV, for example, record that during
his period in New York in the late 1970s and early 1980s, he "was tasked
to identify among his parishioners people who had a progressive and sympathetic
view of the USSR—government workers, political party [members], union members,
workers at scientific research institutes, diplomatic personnel, immigration officials,
clergymen and church employees who were involved in the registration of births,
marriages, and deaths [for assistance in the documentation of illegals] and agents
of Zionist and anti-Soviet organizations" (vol. 6, app. 2, part 4).
63. Kalugin, Spymaster, p. 197.
64. vol. 6, app. 2, part 4
65. vol. 6, app. 2, part 4.
66. vol. 8,ch. 6, paras. 16-17. 67- vol. 8, app. 3, para. 20.
68. Albats, The State within a State, p. 46. Confirmation of DROZDOV's identity
was provided by the release early in 1999 of a 1958 report on his recruitment,
allegedly on "patriotic" grounds, by the Estonian
KGB. Though the report refers to the agent only by his codename, his year of birth
and career d identical with those of Aleksi. James Meek, "Russian Patriarch
'was KGB spy,' " Guardian (Feb * "**
69. "Metropolitan Aleksiy's Speech at the Founding Conference of the 'Rodina'
Society" J0 Moscow Patriarchate (1976), no. 2. "
70. Albats, The State within a State, p. 46.
71. Bociurkiw, "Suppression de 1'Eglise greco-catholique ukrainienne;"
Pelikan, Confessor between West, ch. 8; Floridi, "The Church of the Martyrs
and the Ukrainian Millennium," pp. 107-11-"The Re-emergence of the Ukrainian
(Greek) Catholic Church in the USSR," pp. 292-4 '
73. The intelligence agencies of the USSR, Bulgaria, the GDR, Hungary, Poland
and Romania were resented by heads and deputy heads of directorates (k-1, 106).
74. k-1, 106. Mitrokhin's notes do not make clear which, if any, of the KGB representatives
at the co f ence came from the FCD.
75. Though seeking confirmation of the report, the Centre took the alleged Vatican
conspiracy seriou 1 and drew up plans for a press expose of it, if further details
could be obtained (k-1, 2).
76. k-1, 71.
77. Babris, Silent Churches, pp. 149-50.
78. APOSTOL, RASS and SLUGA are not identified in Mitrokhin's notes (k-1, 2).
79. k-1, 3, 110. It is unclear whether the PETROV who studied at the Russicum
was the cleric with the same codename later sent to North America.
80. k-1, 81-2, 109. ANTANAS arrived in Rome in January 1968; Mitrokhin does not
record the date of arrival of VIDMANTAS.
81. k-1, 83-4. A KGB file also records that in October 1969 DAKTARAS visited Rome
to attend "a gathering of bishops" (k-1, 2).
82. k-1, 2. Dudas appears in KGB files, in Cyrillic transliteration, as Dudast.
83. k-1, 2.
84. k-1, 133.
85. k-1, 133.
86. k-l,36,k-5, ll,k-19,82.
87. Unlike the similar 1967 conference, the 1975 conference was attended by the
Cubans. On this occasion, however, there was no delegation from Romania, k-1,
88. k-1, 13.
90. Borecky, Bishop Isidore, "The Church in Ukraine-1988;"Tataryn, "The
Re-emergence of the Ukrainian (Greek) Catholic Church in the USSR;" Polyakov,
"Activities of the Moscow Patriarchate in 1991," p. 152.
91. k-1, 146. The KGB estimate may have been too low. Published estimates for
1990, admittedly at a time when active persecution had almost ceased, were significantly
higher; see Ramet (ed.), Religious Policy in the Soviet Union, pp. 355-6.
92. k-1, 73.
93. k-1, 146.
94. Ellis (ed.), Three Generations of Suffering; Bourdeaux, Gorbachev, Glasnost
& the Gospel, p. 121.
95. k-1, 214.
96. Penton, Apocalypse Delayed.
97. k-1, 241.
98. Recollections of one of the deportees, Vasili Kalin, cited by James Meek,
"Cult-busters Fight 'Sins of False Witness,' " Guardian (February 12,
99. k-1, 91.
100. Among the evidence ignored by the KGB conspiracy theorists who saw the Jehovah's
Witnesses as vehicles for American ideological subversion was the fact that, from
the First World War to the war i Vietnam, they consistently represented the largest
group of Americans imprisoned for conscienno objection. In 1918 their leaders
were imprisoned for contravening the American Espionage Act,
their sentences were overturned on appeal. Penton, Apocalypse Delayed, pp. 55-6,
142. Sadly, some conspiracy theories survived the collapse of the Soviet system.
101. k-1, 241. In reality, Jehovah's Witnesses behave in many ways as model citizens.
Since 1962 they been instructed to obey all human laws not directly in conflict
with those of God. Penton, Apocay}' Delayed, p. 140.
102. Antic, "The Spread of Modern Cults in the USSR," pp. 257-8.
103. k-1, 92.
104. k-1, 91. There is no reference in the files noted by Mitrokhin to any successful
KGB penetration either of the Jehovah's Witnesses" Brooklyn headquarters
or of its west European offices.
105. k-1, 91.
106. k-1, 73.
107. Antic, "The Spread of Modern Cults in the USSR," p. 259.
108 Polyakov, "Activities of the Moscow Patriarchate in 1991; p. 147; Van
den Bercken, "The Russian Orthodox Church, State and Society in 1991-1993,"
109. Walters, "The Defrocking of Fr. Gleb Yakunin," pp. 308-9.
110. Yakunin, "First Open Letter to Patriarch Aleksi II," pp. 313-14.
Father Gleb was in dispute with the Patriarch over the decision by the Holy Synod
in October 1993 that Orthodox clergy would no longer be allowed to stand as candidates
for political office. He went ahead with his candidature in the elections two
months later, was elected and then defrocked. Walters, "The Defrocking of
Fr Gleb Yakunin," p. 310.
Chapter Twenty-nine The Polish Pope and the Rise of Solidarity
2. See above, chapter 16.
4. On the arrests, see Karpihski, Poland since 1944, pp. 196-7.
5. Cywinski later read Walesa's acceptance speech for the 1983 Nobel Peace Prize
at the ceremony in Oslo which Walesa was unable to attend.
7. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, p. 126.
8. See above, chapter 16.
9. k-19, 429. Bardecki cannot, of course, be blamed in any way for receiving,
among his Western visitors, two men whom he had no possible means of identifying
as KGB illegals.
11. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, p. 127.
12. Szulc, Pope John Paul II, p. 264.
14. Karpiriski, Poland since 1944, pp. 200-1.
15. k-19, 473.
18. k-19, 506.
19. Szulc, Pope John Paul II, p. 289.
20. The KGB claimed in 1982 that there were 26,000 Catholic priests in Poland
21. Szulc, Pope John Paul II, p. 403.
22. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, p. 321.
24. Szulc, Pope John Paul II, p. 285.
26. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, p. 184. /
27. vol. 8, ch. 8; vol. 8, app. 3. Tischner cannot, of course, be blamed in any
way for receiving, among his Western visitors, an apparently well-recommended
Canadian publisher seeking his help for a book on Polish missionaries, whom he
had no possible means of identifying as a KGB illegal.
28. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, p. 373.
29. Szulc, Pope John Paul II, p. 299; Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, p. 191.
33. Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness, pp. 217-18.
34. Szulc, Pope John Paul II, pp. 310-12; Bernstein and Politi, His Holiness,
47. Gorbachev's speech was reported in Pravda on March 26,1986.
48. Brown, The Gorbachev Factor, pp. 134-5,139.
49. See above, chapter 25.
50. Report of the House Committee, chaired by Representative Christopher Cox,
of which a decla 'f version was published as this volume was going to press in
51. k-3b, 137. Though this residency circular was sent out in 1977, it merely
reiterated priorities f lated in previous instructions from the Centre.
53. See above, chapter 20.
54. See above, chapter 18.
55. See above, chapter 22.
56. vol. 6, ch. 1, part 1; k-25, 56; k-21, 74, 96, 99.
57. vol. 6, ch. 10. Mitrokhin's notes do not give the names of the operational
officers assigned to the Karpov-Korchnoi match. Korchnoi's official "second,"
the British grandmaster Raymond Keene believ rl that the head of the Soviet delegation
at the championship, V, D. Baturinsky, was a KGB colonel (Keene Karpov-Korchnoi1978,
p. 32). Korchnoi gives an account of his defection and career up to the 1978 world
championship in his autobiography, Chess is My Life.
58. Keene, Karpov-Korchnoi 1978, pp. 56,147—9,153-4. During the rematch between
Korchnoi and Kar-pov at Merano, Italy, in 1981, the KGB established a dedicated
cipher communication circuit to report on the progress of matches and arranged
a shuttle service between the Rome residency and the KGB operational group covering
the World Chess Championship. No fewer than fourteen active measures were implemented
in an attempt once again to ensure Korchnoi's defeat (k-5, 921). The undercover
KGB advance party at Merano claimed to be monitoring the drinking water, the climate,
noise levels, even levels of radioactivity (Kasparov, Child of Change, p. 76).
Korchnoi, then past his best and, at fifty, a relatively elderly challenger for
the world title, lost by eleven points to seven.
59. Karpov's eventual conqueror in the 1985 world championship, Gary Kasparov,
has made much of the obstacles placed in his path by the Soviet establishment.
He himself, however, owed much to the support of the head of the Azerbaijan KGB,
Geidar Alyev. Lawson, The Inner Game, p. 17; Kasparov, Child of Change, p. 79.
60. See above, chapter 28.
61. See above, chapter 29.
62. The text of the appeal of the "State Committee for the State of Emergency,"
dated August 18,1991, was published in The Times (August 19,1991).
63. Gorbachev, The August Coup, p. 31.
64. Knight, Spies Without Cloaks, pp. 130-1. Trubnikov is a former senior FCD
officer who made his reputation during operations in India, which will be covered
in volume 2.
65. Unattributable information from Russian sources.
66. Andrew and Gordievsky (eds.), Instructions from the Centre, p. 17.
67. Unattributable information from Russian sources.
68. Remnick, Resurrection, p. 370.
69. Unattributable information from Russian sources.
70. Knight, Spies Without Cloaks, pp. 89-91, 106-8. Remnick, Resurrection, pp.
276-7. Anna Blundy, "Return to Grace of the Baby-faced Hawk," The Times
(May 13,1999). Stepashin is the only one of the original supporters of the war
to admit his mistake.
71. Davies, Europe, pp. 328-32,464-5.
72. The classic, though possibly overstated, analysis of the faultlines between
cultures is Huntington, L Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order.
73. Pulled westward by a Western-educated elite often out of tune with its own
population, Greece remains something of an anomaly as an Orthodox member of NATO
and the EU. Stefan Wagstyl, Kerm Hope and John Thornhill, "Christendom's
Ancient Split," Financial Times (May 4,1999).
74. Haslam, "Russia's Seat at the Table," p. 129.
75. Vujacic, "Gennadiy Zyuganov and the 'Third Road.' " ,s
76. Unusual but not unique. As a result of the divisive legacy of the Spanish
Civil War, Spain also has no w ^ to its national anthem. The Soviet Union found
itself in a similar situation in 1956 after Krushchev MPP^ the existing words
to the Soviet national anthem as too Stalinist. New words were not devised until
77. Samolis (ed.), Veterany Vneshnei Razvedki Rossii, pp. 3-4.
78. Primakov et al., Ocherki Istorii Rossiyskoi Vneshnei Razvedki, vol. 3, conclusion.
J. Mitrokhin's Archive
Mitrokhin's notes and transcripts are arranged in four sections:
(i) k-series: handwritten notes on individual KGB files, stored in large envelopes;
(ii) t-series: handwritten notebooks containing notes on individual KGB files;
(iii) vol.-series: typed volumes containing material drawn from numerous KGB files,
arranged by country, sometimes with commentary by Mitrokhin; (iv) frag-series:
miscellaneous handwritten notes.
2. Published Collections of Soviet Documents Containing KGB Material
Andrew, Christopher, and Gordievsky, Oleg (eds.), Instructions from the Centre:
Top Secret Files on KGB Foreign Operations, 1975-1985 (London: Hodder & Stoughton,
1990); slightly revised US edition published as Comrade Kryuchkov's Instructions:
Top Secret Files on KGB Foreign Operations, 1975—1985 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, 1993)
Andrew, Christopher, and Gordievsky, Oleg (eds.), More Instructions from the Centre:
Top Secret Files on KGB Global Operations, 1975-1985 (London: Frank Cass, 1991)
Cold War International History Project Bulletin: regularly publishes declassified
Soviet official documents, including some KGB reports to the Politburo (see articles
cited in section 3 of the bibliography)
Fond 89: documents assembled in late 1991 for the prosecution of the CPSU (including
some KGB reports), available on Chadwyck-Healey microfilm
Hanson, Philip, Soviet Industrial Espionage: Some New Information (London: RIIA,
Koenker, Diane P., and Bachman, Ronald D. (eds.), Revelations from the Russian
Archives (Washington, DC.: Library of Congress, 1997)
Russian Foreign Intelligence (VChk-KGB-SVR): 1996 CD-Rom produced by the SVR,
containing brief extracts from declassified KGB documents
Scammell, Michael (ed.), The Solzhenitsyn Files (Chicago: Edition q, 1995): includes
some KGB reports
Stepashin, Sergei, et al (eds.), Organy Gosudarstvennoi Bezopastnosti SSSR v Velikoi
Otechestvennoi Voine: Sbornik Dokumentov: vol. 1 (November 1938-December 1940);
vol. 2 (January-June 1941) (Moscow: Kniga i Biznes, 1995)
Tsvigun, S. K. et al (eds.), V. I. Lenin i VChk: Sbornik Documented (1917-1922gg)
(Moscow: Izdatelstvo Politicheskoi Literaturi, 1975)
VENONA: decrypted Soviet telegrams (many concerning intelligence operations),
mostly for the period 1940-8, accessible on the NSA website: http://www.nsa.gov:8080/
3. Other Publications Cited in the Notes
Acheson, Dean, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department (New
York: W. W. Norton oc Co., 1969)
Adereth, M., The French Communist Party: A Critical History (1920-84), From Comintern
to "The Colors of
France" (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984) Agabekov, Georgi,
OGPU (New York: Brentano's, 1931) Agee, Philip, Inside the Company: CIA Diary
(London: Allen Lane, 1975; US paperback edition, New
York: Bantam Books, 1976)
Agee, Philip, On The Run (London: Bloomsbury, 1987) Agee, Philip, "What Uncle
Sam Wants to Know about You: The KIQs," first published as a pamphlet in
1977; reprinted in Agee, Philip, and Wolf, Louis, Dirty Work: The CIA in Western
Europe (London: Zed
Agee, Philip, and Wolf, Louis, Dirty Work: The CIA in Western Europe (London:
Zed Press, 1978)
Agranovsky, Valeri, "Profession: Foreigner," Znamya (September 1988)
Albats, Yevgenia, The State within a State: The KGB and Its Hold on Russia-Past,
Present, and Future (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1994)
Albright, Joseph, and Kunstel, Marcia, Bombshell: The Secret Story of America's
Unknown Atomic Spy Conspiracy (New York: Times Books, 1997)
B i B*l iography I 670
Ammann, Ronald; Cooper, Juk'an; and Davies, R. W. (eds.), The Technological Level
of Soviet Industry (N Haven: Yale University Press, 1977) e
Anders, Karl, Murder to Order (London: Ampersand, 1965)
Anderson, John, "The Archives of the Council for Religious Affairs,"
Religion, State and Societv v 1 in (1992), nos. 3-4. * ^
Andrew, Christopher, Secret Service: The Making of the British Intelligence Community,
3rd paperback d' tion (London: Scepter, 1991)
Andrew, Christopher, For the President's Eyes Only: Secret Intelligence and the
American Presidency fro Washington to Bush (London: HarperCollins, 1995)
Andrew, Christopher, "F. H. Hinsley and the Cambridge Moles: Two Patterns
of Intelligence Recruitment," in Langhorne, Richard (ed.), Diplomacy and
Intelligence During the Second World War: Essavs ' Honor ofF. H. Hinsley (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1985)
Andrew, Christopher, "The Nature of Military Intelligence," in Neilson,
Keith, and McKercher, B J C (eds.), Go Spy the Land: Military Intelligence in
History (London: Praeger, 1992)
Andrew, Christopher, "The Making of the Anglo-American SIGINT Alliance,"
in Peake, Hayden B. and Halpern, Samuel (eds.), In the Name of Intelligence: Essays
in Honor of Walter Pforzheimer (Washington-
NIBC Press, 1994) Andrew, Christopher, "Anglo-American-Soviet Intelligence
Relations," in Lane, Ann, and Temperley
Howard (eds.), The Rise and Fall of the Grand Alliance, 1941-45 (London: Macmillan,
1995) Andrew, Christopher, "An Agenda for Future Research," in Andrew,
Christopher, and Jeffreys-Jones,
Rhodri (eds.), Eternal Vigilance? Fifty Years of the CIA (London: Frank Cass,
1997) Andrew, Christopher, "Intelligence and International Relations in the
Early Cold War," Review of International Studies, vol. 24 (1998) Andrew,
Christopher, "The VENONA Secret," in Robertson, K. G. (ed.), War, Resistance
Essays in Honor ofM. R. D. Foot (Barnsley: Pen and Sword, 1999) Andrew, Christopher,
and Dilks, David, The Missing Dimension: Governments and Intelligence Communities
in the Twentieth Century (London: Macmillan, 1984)
Andrew, Christopher, and Gordievsky, Oleg, Le KGB dans le monde, 1917-1990 (Paris:
Fayard, 1990) Andrew, Christopher, and Gordievsky, Oleg, KGB: The Inside Story
of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to
Gorbachev, paperback edition (London: Sceptre, 1991) Andrew, Christopher, and
Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri (eds.), Eternal Vigilance? Fifty Years of the CIA (London:
Frank Cass, 1997)
Antic, Oxana, "The Spread of Modern Cults in the USSR," in Ramet, Sabrina
Petra (ed.), Religious Policy in the Soviet Union (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Arbatov, Georgi, The System (New York: Times Books, 1992)
Aron, Raymond, Memoires: 50 cms de reflexions politiques (Paris: Julliard, 1983)
Ash, Timothy Garton, In Europe's Name: Germany and the Divided Continent, paperback
Aucouturier, Alfreda, "Andrey Sinyavsky on the Eve of His Arrest," in
Labedz, Leopold and Hayward, Max (eds.), On Trial: The Case of Sinyavsky (Tertz)
and Daniel (Arzhak) (London: Collins and Harvill
August, Frantisek, and Rees, David, Red Star over Prague (London: Sherwood Press,
1984) Babris, Peter J., Silent Churches: Persecution of Religion in the Soviet-dominated
Areas (Arlington Heights, 111.: Research Publishers, 1978)
Balatsky, V, Museum in the Catacombs: Guide (Odessa: Mayak, 1986)
Ball, Desmond, Soviet Signals Intelligence (SIGINT), Canberra Papers on Strategy
and Defense, no. 47 (Canberra: Australian National University, 1989)
Ball, Desmond, and Richelson, Jeffrey, The Ties That Bind (London: Allen &
Ball, Desmond, and Windren, Robert, "Soviet Signals Intelligence (Sigint):
Organization and Management," Intelligence and National Security, vol. 4
(1989), no. 4
Bamford, James, The Puzzle Palace (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982)
Barker, Elizabeth, Austria 1918-1972 (London: Macmillan, 1973)
Barren, John, KGB: The Secret Work of Soviet Secret Agents, paperback edition
(New York: Bantam Boo s,
1974) Barren, John, KGB Today: The Hidden Hand, paperback edition (London: Coronet
Barren, John, Breaking the Ring (New York: Avon Books, 1988)
* ' ~ --'•—- c~i~ T^. VRT'« Man in the Kremlin (Washington, DC: Regnery, 1996)
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